Chibale Zambia: regionality and nationality

Chibale Zambia: the theme regionality and nationality. One expression of homogeneity in Chibale is regionality. Almost all people refer to themselves as muLala (individually) and baLala (collectively), and to the Lala region and Lalaness with buLala. Although they also consider themselves Zambians, their regional identity is more important to them.

Regionality

Many of the characteristics considered to be Lala have historical roots. However, there is little reason to view the population of Serenje and Mkushi districts as a ‘tribe’ in the sense of a historical, nation-like union. ‘Tribality’ can be understood as the shared recent history of a region, often expressed in old historical terms and relationships. Van Binsbergen (1985: 202) discusses Nkoyaness as follows.

Admittedly, there are specific details. Nkoya music has unmistakable qualities which have allowed it to become the court music par excellence throughout western Zambia. There are specific variations in style patterns as manifested in cultivation or hunting, in food habits, girls’ initiation, dancing, etc. Also it is possible that the amazing cultural and structural homogeneity that characterises present-day western Zambia is partly a result of processes of political and economic incorporation over the past hundred years; these may have obliterated much that was uniquely local, and may have replaced it by a neo-traditional hotchpotch of peripheral-capitalist rural culture as prevailing throughout the region. There are indications in the field of chieftainship and religion that such a converging transformation was one among several intertwined processes of cultural change affecting western Zambia.
Present-day similarities should not automatically be taken as proof of past identities. Yet it is difficult to conceive of so-called Nkoya culture as something other than a slightly idiosyncratic combination and permutation of productive, social-organizational and symbolic patterns that are widely and abundantly available throughout the region. Some of the potentially distinguishing cultural features of Nkoya-ness underwent considerable change over the last few centuries.

Chance processes or a certain regional influence

Chibale Zambia: regionality and nationality. Though I agree on the necessity of shunning the concepts of tribality (as a historical, nation-like union) and homogeneous culture, his use of the words ‘hotchpotch’ and ‘idiosyncratic’ seems antithetical. It remains to be seen whether Chibale cultures are the result of cultural chance processes to the extent implied by his statements, or if the Chibale area and its history have a certain, though not all-encompassing, influence on its present cultures.

Language as  regional characteristic

The Lala speak ciLala, the Lala language. This is true but the differences with ciAmbo, ciSwaka, ciLuano, ciLamba and ciLima are small. These languages are often grouped together. According to Werner (1978: 10), this language group and Bemba correspond by 85% in their basic vocabulary. The language changes gradually as one travels through the Lala-Lamba regions. There is no reason to believe that the difference between ciSwaka and ciLala is greater than that between ciSwaka and ciLamba. ciSwaka was often called ‘Lambaish Lala’ by people in Chibale and probably ‘Lalaish Lamba’ by those in the Lamba region. The argument here is that the language changes according to the region and not so much according to ‘tribe’.
Of course, the smallness of differences should not be regarded as a measure of the smallness of their importance.¹In 1981 while in Mbala, I met a man from Lusaka. After hearing that I was researching music and other cultural phenomena in the Lala region, he said: “Oh, that is a pity for you because the Lala have no culture.” He meant that if a region did not have conspicuous cultural manifestations like the annual Mutomboko in the Lunda-Kazembe region, it made little contribution to national culture, which in his opinion was largely town-derived.

To distinguish or to characterise?

Chibale Zambia: regionality and nationality. In many ways, Lalaness influences the homogeneity side of the heterogeneity-homogeneity theme. With increased confrontations with other ‘cultures’, the expression or feeling of Lalaness has grown. At the same time, there are various interpretations of the concept of Lalaness. In such circumstances, if we were to look for generally shared Lalaness, we would find little more than some general platitudes. Many of the characteristics considered to be typically Lala are shared with one or more neighbouring regions (‘tribes’), while other characteristics express the fact that another region (‘tribe’) possesses a characteristic unknown in the Lala region. Thus, some features are formulated to distinguish regions or areas within regions. Others are intended to characterise regions or areas within regions, regardless of whether such a feature differs from other regions or areas.

Elaboration E: Some examples of Lalaness

Within the Lala region

Chibale is fully Lala, number one, in the centre (iLala) of the Lala region, unmixed. The food is beans and millet.
Mika Mwape Chungwa ∵ personal communication, 1986.

Ah, this is a song from Kabamba’s area [an adjacent chiefdom in the Lala region]. Some of their songs are not understood here.
BanaNshimbi ∵ personal communication, 1987.

In the days of the large villages, each village, and even different parts of one village, had their own peculiarities, so much so as to be able to discern people. Nowadays, this holds especially for each chiefdom.
Mika Mwape Chungwa ∵ personal communication, 1985.

Since the only satisfactory definition of a Lala native is ‘A person who lives in the Lala country’ and because the Lala tribe is made up of immigrants who have been in that country for periods of time varying from perhaps two hundred years to only a few months, there is no compact body of tradition, and whilst some members of many clans will point to this journey for the origin of their clan names, other members of the same clans will give a different origin, often similar to those given by the Lamba people.
J. T. Munday (1940:4).

Within the Kaonde-Lamba-Lenje-Lala area

‘Balala’ means the people from Ilala [the central area of the Lala region], just like ‘Balamba’ means the people from Ilamba [the central area of the Lamba region]. It does not refer to a ‘tribe’. The Kaonde, Lamba and Lala are the same [cimo cine]. The Lenje are similar in many respects. You can see that these people are possessed by the spirits of chiefs from this large area [the Kaonde-Lamba-Lenje-Lala area]. Here, as well as in the Lamba region, people listen to the Kaonde broadcasts because they do not get what they want from the Bemba radio station.
Alube Mika ∵ personal communication, 2004.

[In Chibale] the Ciwila-possessed are dancing Lala-like, the Mwami-possessed Lenje-like, the Moba-possessed Swaka- or Lenje-like, and the Kaluwe-possessed Lenje-like.
Shemu Mambwe ∵ personal communication, 1987.

Where I come from [the Lima region], the Lala region is known for Ciwila, katambala, spirit-possessed who dance during the day, and the icila.
Salati Mukoti ∵ personal communication, 1981.

The drinking of blood during certain rituals is done by the Lamba, Lima, Lenje, Kaonde, and Swaka, not by the Lala.
BanaNshimbi ∵ personal communication, 1985.

Mwami is an intertribal type of possession. In town, all Zambians get Mwami-possessed. It can either be by their own chiefs or by Lenje, Lima, Lamba, or Lala chiefs. The master drummer has to beat the master drum patterns used in the area where the spirit comes from.
Sheki Mbomba ∵ personal communication, 1986.

In relation to other regions

As for the differences between the Lala and others, there are not so many differences. Being born in the Lala region, speaking ciLala, going to nkutu, having a set of three one-note xylophones (malimba), certain dancing styles. If your two sons had been born here, they would have been Lala with white parents.
Mika Mwape Chungwa ∵ personal communication, 1986.

The Lala are well-known for having many children as well as for their peaceableness. The latter causes Lesa to give them more good fortune [ishuko], hence more children.
Mika Mwape Chungwa ∵ personal communication, 1986.

The Lala do not praise by insulting like the Bemba do.
Mika Mwape Chungwa ∵ personal communication, 1985.

Three of the spirits possessing me do not produce music or dance. Only the fourth one, the Lala one, sings and dances. Its music, therefore, was not strange when I arrived here in Chibale, while in my hometown Chipata it was.
Zulu (a shing’anga) ∵ personal communication, 1985.

Most of the Bemba, Luvale, and Chokwe harmonise in parallel 3rds with occasional 6ths, while all other Zambian peoples [that is: including the Lala people] harmonise in 4ths.
Mwesa Mapoma (1980b: 631).

It is all about modalities

Chibale Zambia: regionality and nationality. Regional differences are not very interesting when one looks for specific, critical characteristics. They do make sense when they are modal, such as styles, cultural traits and ways of doing things. On this site, many examples of this can be found in texts, music, dance, and ritual. These modalities can evoke a sense of homogeneity within a family, a clan, a group of hunters, a cult group, an area, a chiefdom, a region, etc. At the same time, they can evoke a sense of difference between families, clans, groups of spirit-possessed, christian groups, areas, chiefdoms, regions, etc.
In general, it can be said that the size of the groups and areas bound together or differentiated in this way has increased through history and is still increasing, for instance, in the way languages are grouped nationally.

Continue to the article about the theme individuality and conformity.