Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context introduction
Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context, introduction.
Fighting with songs ∵ introduction
What is the role of song and song text in a ritual?
How do new and existing song texts relate to the progress of a ritual?
What happens in detail at an Ipupo?
This article is the introduction to a series of articles, called Fighting with songs. The series provides a detailed description of a particular Ipupo held in 1987 and the interpretation of the song texts used there. We describe the course of the public part of this Ipupo. Each of the 113 song texts is interpreted within its context. We follow how text and song evolve as the ritual progresses, and we develop some understanding of the arts of using new and existing song texts at and for the occasion.
The case also provides the opportunity to give detailed information about music, dance, mediumship, and rituals in context.
In this introductory article, we present information about Ipupo in the 1980s, this particular Ipupo, its main actors, and the tensions that existed between ing’omba and shing’anga, mourning and healing rituals, and Ciwila and Mwami possession.
The Ipupo in the 1980s
Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context, introduction. See the article Rituals of mourning for a general description of the Ipupo.
In the 1980s, the Ipupo served two purposes. Many believed it marked the end of the mourning period with a large offering, an ipupo, to the spirit of the deceased. It also helped surviving relatives transition to normal life during the night, from kulila to kwangala, by concluding the Ipupo with social dances. We can discern three phases in this type of Ipupo: kulila by the relatives, ritual friends and mediums; the uplifting of the relatives by mediums and visitors; and, the celebration of life (kwangala) by the general attendees.
However, in the 1980s, people increasingly organised Ipupo to resolve ishamo in the family, often long after the death of the person for whom they organised it. Many Ipupo did not conclude with icila dancing by the general attendees. At such Ipupo, similar to a Cibombe, mediums would dance until dawn. In the period when this particular Ipupo took place, the question was whether Ipupo would also open up to kucitila songs and behaviour.
The course of events at an Ipupo
Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context, introduction. An Ipupo is a sequence of songs. A medium starts a song, consisting of a solo and a chorus part. A helper takes over the solo part, and the audience/chorus takes over the chorus part. Then, the three drums join in one after another. After some time, the starter of the song begins to dance to this musical ensemble. A successful song lasts 10 to 15 minutes. However, there are also very short songs, and songs that the chorus does not take over, causing them to last only a short while.
At an Ipupo, and also at a Cibombe, the lesser dancers start up the ritual. These are the spirit-possessed who are not yet in kumfwana with their spirits. This is their chance to start a song and then dance to their own song. At a later stage of the night, this will be much more difficult. Then, they have to compete with well-known mediums for the chorus’s attention. This arrangement also allows for a slow start to the heating of the ritual.
The Ipupo at banaNshimbi‘s
Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context, introduction. The Ipupo was held on 5 December and the night of 5 to 6 December, 1987. BanaNshimbi and her relatives organised it for her deceased mother, who had asked for it in dreams.
The major protagonists at this ritual were banaNshimbi, the owner of the ritual; Munteta Chalebaila, a member of her cult group; Chalebaila, the famous shing’anga who wanted to make a point at this Ipupo; and Kansenkele, the ing’omba who was invited by banaNshimbi’s family to sing at the Ipupo. The three leading mediums, Kamimbya, Chalebaila, and Kansenkele, brought 97 out of the 113 songs sung at this Ipupo. The sixteen songs brought by others all belong to the first twenty songs. BanaNshimbi, though a very good starter and dancer herself, was not supposed to dance. As the owner of the dead, she was to be uplifted by the singing and dancing of those who helped in the ritual.
Major protagonists at this Ipupo
Munteta Chalebaila
Munteta Chalebaila was possessed by three spirits, the most important of which was Kamimbya, Swallow. This name was also his possession name. His type of possession was Bayambo, directed towards hunting, healing, and dancing. It was rare in Chibale but common in the Lamba, Lima, and Lenje regions.
Chalebaila
Munteta was the son of one of the two prominent shing’anga of Chibale at that moment. Salati Mukoti, better known by his possession name Chalebaila –the name of the Twa spirit that healed through him– had come to Chibale from the Lima region in 1976 to heal.
BanaNshimbi
Since Munteta was first struck by the spirits, he was treated by the other famous shing’anga of the area. This was banaNshimbi, the organiser of this Ipupo, also known by her possession name bamukaNdubeni. Ndubeni was the name of the Lima chief whose spirit healed through her. A patient was considered the child (mwana) of the shing’anga. Therefore, in a way, Munteta was also the child of bamukaNdubeni.
Kansenkele
Kansenkele was one of the few mediums in the area who, like Chalebaila, was generally known by his possession name. His human name was Shemu Mambwe. He was possessed by two Ciwila spirits, those of his mother and his sister-in-law. Kansenkele was much sought after by people who wanted to organise an Ipupo. He, or in the possession cult terminology: his spirits, attracted many people. They brought many, always new song texts suitable for the occasion. He started his songs very well. Furthermore, his wife, banaChibuye, who always accompanied him as his helper (kampenga), took over the solo line clearly and loudly. His dancing, though not too varied, was entertaining and showed great presence.
Tensions
Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context, introduction.
The use of the Ipupo for healing
As discussed above, problem-solving was in the process of becoming part of the Ipupo in the 1980s. Moreover, its form was influenced by the Cibombe, introduced during the 1970s with the rise of Mwami. The Ipupo was a ritual with many attendees. Chalebaila and, somewhat less convinced, bamukaNdubeni wanted to use its heat for healing and problem-solving.
Pressure on Ciwila mediums
Although this rise led to a resurgence of Ciwila possession, the growing need for kucitila, the individualisation of kulila, the de-ritualisation of kwilimuna, and the despiritualisation of kwangala put the role of the Ciwila ing’omba under pressure. Only great fya kusala expression and success could keep the Ciwila ing’omba, like Kansenkele, active.
It is not unlikely that a comparable pressure also played a role for the cinsengwe ing’omba in the problem-ridden, and therefore kucitila-needing, first forty years of the 20th century. They even ‘forbade’ the use of the drums for their music, presumably to make a clear distinction with the Ciwila and Moba cult-of-affliction spirit-possessed that used drums for their music.
Tensions around Kansenkele
Kansenkele did not like more than one or two other dancers, and certainly not the lesser dancers, to perform at the same time as he did. This attitude naturally led to tensions with other spirit-possessed individuals.
He did not visit this part of the Chibale chiefdom very often because the major shing’anga of the whole area, bamukaNdubeni and Chalebaila, lived there. This caused friction at Ipupo regarding the correct way of drumming, the preponderance of lesser dancers –patients of the two shing’anga– and the use of Ipupo for other purposes.
The deceased for whom the Ipupo was held was his grandmother (mother’s mother). Therefore, he could not refuse the invitation by the relatives of banaNshimbi to come.
Text of the 69th song of the Ipupo at banaNshimbi’s, a Ciwila song brought by Kansenkele.
Fwebo Cililo twalonda
Owelele Cibombe bakonkele kwa naChibuye capwa nomba mama
Fwebo kulila twalonda
Fwe calaula Cibombe bakonkele kwa naChibuye capwa nomba mama
We came here for a mourning ritual
Owelele the healing ritual they were making out of it at banaNshimbi’s has come to an end now, mama
We came here to mourn
We the possession dancers, the Cibombe they were making out of it at banaNshimbi’s has come to an end now, mama
After hours of hard work, Kansenkele has managed to gain the upper hand at this Ipupo. Therefore, he publicly presents the observation that the remaining people (the ‘we’ in this song) are the ones who disagree with using an Ipupo for healing purposes. The audience/chorus takes over the song fervently, a sign of their agreement with his observation.
Interpretation of music in Zambia: texts in context, introduction. Comments on the songs are based on conversations after the Ipupo with banaNshimbi and the three protagonists, and on knowledge gained by Basil Chisonta and the author throughout the research.
For the sake of clarity, we will tell the story of this Ipupo in the present tense.
Continue to the next article in this series about the first songs of the Ipupo. I will use these initial songs to introduce the reader to some important aspects of music at Ipupo.